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Asoka's Mission to Ceylon and some connected problems

By Jyotirmoy Sen

Vol. 4 · No. 4December - 1928pp. 667–678English

Summary

Asoka's mission to Ceylon remains a subject of scholarly debate, with disagreements over its historical authenticity and timing. Some scholars, like V.A. Smith, argue that the Ceylonese conversion narrative—featuring Mahindra and Sanghamitra conducting a miraculous aerial mission—is likely mythologized, citing the absence of Ceylon's mention in Asoka's inscriptions and the lack of historical evidence for the missioners. They suggest Buddhism arrived in Ceylon gradually, not through a single imperial mission. Others propose a later date for Asoka's involvement, aligning with his inscriptions mentioning foreign missions (e.g., Rock Edicts II and XIII) but omitting Ceylon or the missioners' names. The controversy over "Tambapanni" (mentioned in Asoka's inscriptions) further complicates the debate. While some identify it with the Tamraparni River in southern India, others argue it referred to Ceylon, supported by foreign accounts (e.g., Ptolemy, Megasthenes) calling the island "Taprobane" and indigenous chronicles detailing Ceylon's historical names (e.g., Tambapanni, Tammena). These sources suggest the term evolved from a port or city to encompass the entire island. Ceylonese chronicles provide detailed accounts of Mahendra's arrival and the conversion of King Devanampiya Tissa, emphasizing miraculous elements like copper-colored dust clinging to the missionaries. While these narratives align with broader Buddhist mission stories involving supernatural feats, their historical accuracy is questioned. The debate hinges on reconciling Asoka's inscriptions (terse and silent on Ceylon) with Ceylonese traditions and foreign records, leaving the mission's nature—whether gradual, late in Asoka's reign

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Conclusion

The debate surrounding Asoka's mission to Ceylon reveals a complex interplay between textual silence and historical plausibility. While Asoka's inscriptions omit explicit references to Ceylon or missionaries like Mahendra and Sanghamitra, this absence does not negate the mission's historicality. The terse nature of Asokan edicts and their focus on broader imperial policies, rather than individual agents, likely explains this gap. The identification of Tambraparni with Ceylon remains contentious, yet indigenous and foreign sources suggest the island was known by this name during Asoka's era. The mission's success, as later corroborated by Chinese travelers, underscores its significance in fostering early Buddhism in Ceylon, even if its execution differed from hagiographical accounts. This analysis highlights the need to reconcile textual limitations with circumstantial evidence, emphasizing the mission's role in cultural and religious exchange while acknowledging the uncertainties inherent in reconstructing ancient history.

Key passages

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  • “Subsequently this opinion seems to <shave been modified when, in the Early History of India (4th Ed, 1924, pp. 103, 105), 1૬ 15 admitted that Adoka 15 responsible for the conversion of Ceylon, but it took place late in his reign.”
  • “The point, therefore, 15 taken out of the argument of V.A, Smith that it was from a southern port, and not directly, that Mahendrsa went over 10 the island, On the other hand, there are undeniable के _s (૦ show that Mahendra went straight to Ceylon and that the Tamil country had very little to impose, in matters of religion at least, upon the neighbouring island.”

Works cited in this article

  1. Early History of India (4th Ed, 1924, pp. 103, 105) by V. A. Smith
  2. Intro, to the Vinayapitakam, by Oldenberg, vol. 1, pp. 11:1૪
  3. Imp, Gaz, of India (1908), sub. voc. Tambraparni, pp. 215-16; Hultzsch, JRAS. (1૦10), p. 1310, n. 4. Hultzsch, Corpus Ins. ર્વ, (૪1. I}, p. xxxix ; p. 3, n. 10
  4. V. Smith, Asoka, p. ૬૦
  5. Dip, 1, 73; 1X, 20 ; Mahi,, XV, 59, 93, 127

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